Sunlight Foundation

The Pentagon's Big Contractors Lobby Big and Get in Big Trouble

Recently, the Pentagon released the list of its top 10 contractors for 2010, all which spent significant amounts of money lobbying Congress and contributing large sums to federal campaigns last year and in 2009.

Boeing—while only the second biggest contractor in terms of money received—spent the most money lobbying Congress between 2009 and 2010 at almost $35 million, according to the Sunlight Foundation’s Influence Explorer.

Northrop Grumman was second, spending $30 million.

The biggest contractor, Lockheed Martin, came in third for those same years spending $26 million lobbying.

Corporation 2009-2010 Contributions 2009-2010 Lobbying money Total contractor misconduct cases Number of contractor misconduct cases that were defense contracts
LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION $2,674,654 $25,950,000 67 25
THE BOEING COMPANY $3,082,455 $34,746,000 47 20
NORTHROP GRUMMAN CORPORATION $1,836,746 $30,920,000 33 17
GENERAL DYNAMICS CORPORATION $1,457,799 $21,003,664 15 4
RAYTHEON COMPANY $2,196,725 $14,100,000 22 13
OSHKOSH CORPORATION $283,855 $2,140,000 0 0
L-3 COMMUNICATIONS HOLDINGS INC. $557,282 $9,900,000 11 7
UNITED TECHNOLOGIES CORPORATION $1,261,335 $22,630,000 16 6
BAE SYSTEMS PLC $922,785 $9,377,000 8 1
SAIC INC. $943,550 $6,390,000 11 5
TOTAL $15,217,186 $177,156,664
 

Also noteworthy is the number of misconduct cases filed against each contractor, which usually results in fines to be paid by the contractor. All of the top ten names listed except OshKosh, as reported by the Project on Government Oversight, have had multiple cases filed against them with at least some violations incurred while working as contractors for the Department of Defense.

For instance, Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC) has five cases of misconduct as a Defense contractor, but has 11 cases total on record dating back to 1995, also according to data made available by Influence Explorer. For the five cases where SAIC was a Defense contractor, the company paid out $6.6 million.

Open Government: idling in the driveway

Sigh. I feel like a disappointed parent.

When the details of the Open Government Directive were announced early last December I was unbelievably excited. Seriously. My long time hope that one day government would get “it” about the importance of putting public information online appeared to have arrived. Government data was going to become available as a default and that was going to start with an “inventory” (government's word) of the “high value information” (also their words, though less than ideal because who would ever agree what that means?).

Agencies were supposed to do two things with respect to releasing data: create an inventory of the “high-value information” currently available for download and identify high value information not yet available along with establishing a reasonable timeline for publication of that data online. It was that latter requirement that I salivated over. Certainly there are other important aspects of Open Government -- participation and collaboration are values we hold dear at the Sunlight Foundation. Car IdleBut yesterday was the day when the rubber was supposed to hit the road on data. For many agencies, they didn't even get out of the garage.

There are some very interesting data that's going to made available, almost immediately (and John Wonderlich, our Policy Director, has a post on it) but some agencies avoided the requirement entirely, some decided to say they'd make a plan to plan how to identify and release data, and others mentioned it but didn't explain how they would achieve it.

First, our quick review shows that a little more than half of the 30 agencies' plans we reviewed (18) specifically identified new data to be released -- 12 did not. (This includes some independent agencies.) The total number of data sets identified to be released -- approximately 89.*

89 data sets identified for release - across the entire federal government!? I'm speechless. I was looking for inventories of data (this is the Directive's word, after all) -- actual audits of what data each agency collects and dates of when new information would be made available. That is not what we got.

The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) was among the best - identifying 14 new data sets to be released - and this is crucial data. While maintaining the privacy and identity of patients HHS will be releasing critical data about Medicare: everything from inpatient hospital stats to prescription drugs and hospice care. During an era on increased responsibilities for HHS this data is absolutely critical to keeping HHS effective and accountable.

Few agencies rose to the high water mark of HHS. Part of the problem might be attributable to cultural barriers and the illusion that some bureaucrats hold that this is "their" data vs "all of our" data. Part of the problem might have been time to pull the information together.

Maybe, a bigger part of this problem is a loophole in the Open Government Directive itself. By asking agencies to only inventory their "high-value" data it gave them an instant out for just about anything. Despite the White House's good intention in defining high-value as: "increase agency accountability and responsiveness; improve public knowledge of the agency and its operations; further the core mission of the agency; create economic opportunity; or respond to need and demand as identified through public consultation."

With a definition like that "high-value" could mean literally anything: if you collect a piece of data that is not to "further the core mission of the agency" why are you collecting it?

When you define a concept too broadly you end up not defining it at all. If we could roll back the clock on the Open Government Directive we would ask agencies to first list all data they collect and then create sub-lists of:

  • data that is currently public but not online
  • data that is currently public and online
  • data that is not currently online but that will be put online and when
  • for everything else, explain why it won't be put online
This would give us an instant picture of what the online (and therefore, public) landscape of federal government looks like and is an invaluable data set in its own right.

HHS, NASA, Education, National Archives and Records Administration and the Office of Personnel Management were the high water marks.

Defense, Homeland Security, Justice, State, Interior, Treasury, Veterans Affairs, US Agency for International Development and the Social Security Administration did not identify any new data to be made available - no inventories either.

Yes, I appreciate the extraordinary hard work put into the Open Government Directive by all those in the agencies and those spearheading it at Office of Management and Budget and the White House, and I wouldn't suggest that evaluating these plans based on just one of a couple dozen appropriate criteria is a totally fair reading of how successful this exercise was, but I have to look at it from what I feel is key for government accountability - data. That's my lens on the world.

We'll continue to evaluate agency plans all next week.

NOTES:

*We arrived at the 89 number via a very generous methodology. It all depends on how you define a "data set". Our complete inventory using a more exact methodology will be available soon.

Photo credit: "Idling" by Flickr user N1NJ4.

Defeated Earmark Disclosure Puts Sham House Rule to Shame

Robert Novak has more on the backdoor maneuvering and dust-up between Sen. Tom Coburn and Sen. Ted Stevens over the issue of disclosing earmarks that he'd alluded to earlier. Coburn sponsored a measure that would require the Pentagon to issue report cards on the utility and effectiveness of projects earmarked by members of Congress; Stevens didn't care for the scrutiny. The intra-party squabble doesn't interest me so much as the bottom line:

The earmark process enables the congressional-industrial complex to fund projects the military does not want. This year's bill appropriates money to buy 10 unrequested C-17 Globemaster cargo planes from Boeing. It also funds 60 F-22A Raptor stealth fighters, not supported by the Pentagon and opposed by McCain and Sen. John Warner, Senate Armed Services Committee chairman. F-22A appropriations are guaranteed for three years, reducing leverage with contractor Lockheed Martin.
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Keeping the Spotlight on Earmarks

Jonathan Allen, writing in The Hill, exposes some earmarks sponsored by Rep. Steve Chabot for institutions with connections to some of his closest political supporters (read: donors and fundraisers). Reading the story, I couldn't help but think how much it was like our own Exposing Earmarks effort that focused on H.R. 5647, the Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education appropriations bill--find the earmarks, tie them to a member of Congress, and then look into who's benefiting. First, what makes Allen's story in The Hill so interesting is that it rather perfectly illustrates one of the main ways in which earmarks are abused:

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