Sunlight Foundation

Oil & Coal Throw Down Half a Billion

Public Campaign Action Fund just released a report on total influence spending by the big oil, coal, and electricity interests for the first half of this year. The report shows that from January 1 to June 30 these companies have put down nearly half a billion dollars on trying to influence members of Congress, officials in Washington, and, through advertising, you. The total amount, viewed above, consists of campaign contributions, lobbying expenses, paid advertising and media, and contributions to 527s and other organizations doing political work.

Check out the report. It's an excellent examination of how industries use various channels to gain trust and influence.

Oil Industry Influence: Personal Finances

"My name is Daniel Plainview and this is my son and partner H.W. Plainview. I'm an oil man." Ok, ok, there won't be blood, but there will be money made from oil profits. Over the last two weeks, gas prices and oil industry influence have been a key focus in both the media and here on this blog.

Last week, I looked at campaign contributions from the oil industry to a group of Republicans staging a pro-oil industry protest on the floor of the House. There are other ways to look at the economy of influence using publicly available data. For one, members of Congress must disclose their assets in personal financial disclosure forms. In this case, I want to look at stocks, in particular oil stocks. Thanks to Open Secrets' personal financial disclosure database, I was able to put together the nifty chart below.

This chart shows stock holdings in the leading oil companies by members of the House of Representatives. If you aren't familiar with personal financial disclosures, they require lawmakers to list assets in a range (i.e.: $15,001-$50,000). In the chart you will see a low estimate, a high estimate, and an average. In some cases, lawmakers list the actual value - not a range - and that is listed in this color.

So, who's going to make money if Congress passes pro-oil industry legislation:

Top 25 Congressmen with Holdings in Leading Oil Companies
Congressman Low Estimate Average/Actual High Estimate
Hayes, Robin (R-NC) $3,645,012 $8,572,506 $13,500,000
Carter, John (R-TX) $1,000,001 $3,000,001 $5,000,000
Freylinghuysen, Rodney (R-NJ) $950,008 $1,500,004 $2,050,000
Sensenbrenner, James (R-WI) $1,133,985 $1,458,984 $1,783,983
Marchant, Kenny (R-TX) NA 429,148 NA
Sessions, Pete (R-TX) $215,003 $382,502 $550,000
Whitfield, Ed (R-KY) $200,002 $350,001 $500,000
Upton, Fred (R-MI) $195,005 $347,503 $500,000
Maloney, Carolyn (D-NY) $151,003 $258,002 $365,000
Price, David (D-NC) $130,003 $240,002 $350,000
Doggett, Lloyd (D-TX) $116,003 $215,502 $315,000
Berkley, Shelley (D-NV) NA $165,751 NA
Goode, Virgil (R-VA) $100,002 $150,001 $200,000
Buchanan, Vern (R-FL) $81,014 $148,007 $215,000
Capito, Shelley Moore (R-WV) $66,003 $115,502 $165,000
Cohen, Steve (D-TN) $65,002 $107,501 $150,000
McCaul, Michael (R-TX) $46,004 $105,502 $165,000
Knollenberg, Joe (R-MI) NA $92,500 NA
Bono Mack, Mary (R-CA) $22,008 $88,504 $155,000
Moran, Jerry (R-KS) $51,002 $83,001 $115,000
Camp, Dave (R-MI) $32,004 $81,002 $130,000
Oberstar, James (D-MN) $50,001 $75,001 $100,000
Duncan, Jimmy (R-TN) $30,002 $65,001 $100,000
(Source: Open Secrets)

Bundlers Galore

Three makes a trend, right? Today, there are three news stories on presidential bundlers - campaign contributors who solicit money from other contributors and bundle it together - and their activities. All of these stories highlight the need for bundling disclosure rules from the Federal Election Commission. But two of these stories pinpoint the potential for abuse in the bundling system.

The Washington Post looks at the odd practices of one Harry Sargent III, the owner of an oil trading company with billion dollar defense contracts. Sargent has raised over $50,000 for Sen. John McCain's presidential bid from a collection of Arab-Americans who refuse to discuss why they gave money to the Republican's campaign:

Some of the most prolific givers in Sargeant's network live in modest homes in Southern California's Inland Empire. Most had never given a political contribution before being contacted by Sargeant or his associates. Most said they have never voiced much interest in politics. And in several instances, they had never registered to vote. And yet, records show, some families have ponied up as much as $18,400 for various candidates between December and March.

Both Sargeant and the donors were vague when asked to explain how Sargeant persuaded them to give away so much money.

"I have a lot of Arab business partners. I do a lot of business in the Middle East. I've got a lot of friends," Sargeant said in a telephone interview yesterday. "I ask my friends to support candidates that I think are worthy of supporting. They usually come through for me."

As the Post story notes, this seems analogous to the Norman Hsu case that played out in 2007. Hsu was a con-artist who bundled large sums of money for Sen. Hillary Clinton's presidential run from a collection of Chinese-Americans, many of whom were barely integrated into the larger American society. It turned out that Hsu funneled his own money through these individuals to be able to make contributions. Hsu was arrested for this and other crimes and Sen. Clinton returned hundreds of thousands of dollars in donations. Are Sargent's bundled contributions legitimate? Why do the people who operate as Sargent's fundraising operation refuse to discuss why they are giving these campaign contributions?

In a very similar case, two individuals of modest means, an office manager at Hess and her husband, an Amtrak foreman, contributed $61,600 to Sen. McCain's campaign committee and a joint Republican-McCain committee. McClatchy:

Alice Rocchio is an office manager at the New York headquarters of the Hess Corp., drives a 1993 Chevy Cavalier and lives in an apartment in Queens, N.Y., with her husband, Pasquale, an Amtrak foreman.

Despite what appears to be a middle-class lifestyle, the couple has written $61,600 in checks to John McCain's presidential campaign and the Republican National Committee, most of it within days of McCain's decision to endorse offshore oil drilling.

At a June fundraiser, the Rocchios joined top executives at Hess Corp. — Chairman and Chief Executive Officer John Hess, his wife, Susan, his mother, Norma Hess, and six other officials in giving a total of $313,500 to a joint McCain-RNC fundraising committee, Federal Election Commission records show.

Alice Rocchio insists that she and her husband used their own money to pay for these large campaign contributions, the first either her or husband have made. The June contributions to the joint committee were revealed in a Campaign Money Watch report earlier this week. The large Hess contributions came days before Sen. McCain switched his position on offshore drilling.

Clearly, these two stories show the danger of abuse in the bundling system and the clear lack of disclosure. While Congress approved disclosure of bundled contributions in the recent ethics reform bill, they only did so for federally registered lobbyists. In both cases, including the case of a federal contractor, neither party would be required to disclose the bundled contributions.

In our final bundling story of the day, the New York Times looks at the big dollar donors and bundlers surrounding Sen. Barack Obama's campaign. Despite the well-known small dollar donations machine the campaign built during the primaries, Sen. Obama is also raising massive sums from big dollar donors:

But records show that one-third of his record-breaking haul has come from donations of $1,000 or more: a total of $112 million, more than Senator John McCain, Mr. Obama’s Republican rival, or Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, his opponent in the Democratic primaries, raised in contributions of that size.

Behind those larger donations is a phalanx of more than 500 Obama “bundlers,” fund-raisers who have each collected contributions totaling $50,000 or more. Many of the bundlers come from industries with critical interests in Washington. Nearly three dozen of the bundlers have raised more than $500,000 each, including more than a half-dozen who have passed the $1 million mark and one or two who have exceeded $2 million, according to interviews with fund-raisers.

This latest info on the McCain and Obama bundlers comes thanks to an effort by a number of groups, including the Sunlight Foundation, to pressure both campaigns to disclose their bundlers as former candidates George W. Bush and John Kerry both did. Voluntary disclosure is all well and good, but as I mentioned adove, mandatory disclosure would increase accountability and would apply across the board to include House and Senate bundlers as well.

Twitter and Qik Cover Pro-Oil Drilling Protest in House

Ben Pershing at the Washington Post writes, "If a party stages a protest on the House floor but no one can see or hear it, does it make a sound?" Yes, it makes a tweet.

After adjourning for the annual summer recess, House Republicans took to the floor to protest the failure of the House to hold a vote to allow offshore drilling. Since the protest happened after adjournment was announced, the House cameras and lights were turned off. While Republicans shouted from the floor and journalists hurried to see what was happening, GOP Rep. John Culberson was tweeting away the happenings from the floor. Culberson even let some other lawmakers take over his account including Roy Blunt, Adam Putnam, John Shimkus, Tom Price, Ted Poe, Virginia Foxx, and John Shadegg. Culberson's tweets marked yet another moment where Twitter broke a story before it could make it to the news.

Culberson is also Qiking the event. Pretty cool stuff.

But, Twitter isn't the only angle to this story. These lawmakers aren't simply taking to the floor to demand help for gas consumers, they are pushing a central facet of the oil industry's legislative agenda: offshore drilling. Just yesterday it was announced that, yet again, ExxonMobil broke the record for largest quarterly profit pulling in $11.7 Billion.

And as many can predict, the oil industry is very liberal in its contributions to the campaigns of congressmen who support their agenda. Let's start with the lawmakers who are mentioned as on the floor by press accounts and Rep. Culberson's tweets:

Career Contributions from Oil & Gas Companies.
Brady, Kevin (R-TX) $369,797
Blunt, Roy (R-MO) $362,248
Culberson, John (R-TX) $301,961
Boehner, John (R-OH) $185,000
Shimkus, John (R-IL) $184,161
Pence, Mike (R-IN) $150,950
Poe, Ted (R-TX) $128,650
Shadegg, John (R-AZ) $119,495
Putnam, Adam H (R-FL) $70,300
Foxx, Virginia (R-NC) $47,100
Sali, William T (R-ID) $43,000
Price, Tom (R-GA) $24,500
Source: Open Secrets

That's a lot of money on the floor of the House right now.