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OpenGov Voices: Lack of Transparency and Citizen Disenfranchisement

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed by the guest blogger and those providing comments are theirs alone and do not reflect the opinions of the Sunlight Foundation or any employee thereof. Sunlight Foundation is not responsible for the accuracy of any of the information within the Dan Moulthropguest blog.

Dan Moulthrop is a co-founder of The Civic Commons, a social media environment group designed explicitly for civil civic dialogue and brings communities together with conversation and emerging technology based in Cleveland, Ohio He is also CEO of The City Club of Cleveland, the Citadel of Free Speech for more than 100 years.

I've long been obsessed with maps. When I was a kid on road trips, I loved tracking our journey in the road atlas. When I lived in Brooklyn in the 90s, I covered my bedroom walls with AAA state maps with my then-recent three month cross country journey traced out on them. Maps always provided me with a way to locate myself in space and a way to understand my trajectory. In the last couple of years, I've started to see them differently. The maps I'm thinking about don't locate us or help us see a trajectory of growth or journey. They trap us. Specifically, they keep us attached to elected representatives that don't often have our best interests in mind.

Residents of Cleveland, Ohio, were just subjected to a redistricting exercise. I say subjected to because very few of them participated in the exercise. The last census triggered a charter-mandated remapping of ward boundaries, and, given the population decline, city council is to be reduced by two seats. The need for this had been in front of city leaders since census results were released, but there was no comprehensive, strategic public engagement process to discuss what factors ought to be taken into account as new ward configurations were considered, no draft maps shared with the public, no clear process for providing input. Instead, Cleveland's city council president worked with consultants behind closed doors and met with his colleagues on council individually to make deals and divvy up the city's population.

It has been said that we live in a time when voters don't pick their representatives; rather representatives pick their voters. In this case, the council president appears to have picked voters for his colleagues.

The Civic Commons

I don't actually know if this map will be good for Cleveland or not. Nobody knows. Those who voted for the first version of the map have had to backstep a little when Cleveland's small but significant Hispanic community challenged the map as a possible violation of the Voting Rights Act. Now that that detail has been addressed, for all we know, this could actually be the best map we ever could have hoped for. Here's the problem: we'll never know.

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Evaluating Municipal Lobbying Data: Philadelphia

Philadelphia-sculpture

“Consistent” is not the first word one would use to describe the landscape of lobbying data released by municipalities. As revealed by our research, the formats and range of information local governments collect and disclose about lobbying activity varies quite a bit from one community context to another. After exploring the best practices for collecting and releasing this information, we created and recently published a Municipal Lobbying Data Guidebook. This guide addresses not only what kinds of information should be included in an ideal lobbying dataset, but also information about how that data should be collected and shared, regulated, and examples of the impact of having this information made available in an open way. (Something we’ll continue to explore in future posts.)

So how do municipalities measure up to these standards? We took a close look at three cities -- Austin, Chicago, and Philadelphia -- to explore what they’re doing well and where their lobbying disclosure can improve.

We've already covered Austin and Chicago. Now we turn to look at Philadelphia, which is a unique case in this set of cities.

WHAT COULD (AND WAS SUPPOSED TO) BE

Philadelphia's online lobbying disclosures were never supposed to look like they do now. When the lobbying disclosure law passed in 2010, the city contracted for software that would utilize electronic filing and share the information in a searchable format -- a requirement under the new law. The city had to cancel that contract, though, when the vendor failed to produce working software for the lobbying portal.

The city's current lobbying disclosure website is a temporary solution. Philadelphia recently put out a notice of intent to contract* for a new website with Acclaim Systems Inc -- the same company working on the state of Pennsylvania's lobbying disclosure system. The RFP for Philadelphia's new website includes a call for the use of unique ID numbers for filers; a way to publish registrations and expense reports "as PDFs and as data to the public searchable site"; user ability to search and download registration and expense reports "easily via the Internet" and to generate PDFs for each of these; and to create an online directory of lobbyists with photos.

The goal is essentially to have Philadelphia's website meet the two stipulations called for in the lobbying disclosure law: e-filing and searchability. The RFP calls for a system "that can be designed and implemented in a four-month timeframe or less," so if the contract receives final approval soon the site could be up this year.

Having some information available in the meantime is better than having none at all. We evaluate the current website with this in mind and with an eye toward how the next iteration of the website that comes after this placeholder might look.

WHAT EXISTS NOW

I. What data is available

Philadelphia links to its lobbying information from a webpage on its Board of Ethics site. It makes registration and reporting forms and instructions available. It also posts some completed lobbying registrations and expense reports.

The lobbying registration forms require the date of registration, the lobbyist name, address, and contact information, details about any affiliated political action committees or candidate political committees, and the name, address, and contact information for any principals or lobbying firms. This level of detail is in line with Sunlight’s Guidebook recommendations.

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2Day in #OpenGov 5/3/2013

NEWS ROUNDUP:

  • President Obama is notable for his sports watching habits and recently influencers may be taking those predilections into account. Media strategists are offering clients who are looking to target White House officials ESPN as a prime spot for their advertising dollars. (POLITICO)
  • After months of speculation President Obama tapped Chicago business baron and major campaign supporter Penny Pritzker to serve as the next secretary of commerce. Pritzker, who is worth north of $1 billion, has helped raise hundreds of thousands of dollars for the President's campaigns. (NPR)
  • President Obama's FCC nominee is hearing some criticism from Senators over his past life as a cable and wireless company wireless and blog posts suggesting urging broad regulation in exchange for allowing the, failed, AT&T + T-Mobile merger to proceed. (The Hill)
  • The White House released the first version of its We The People API to the public earlier this week. Every petition that garners more than 15o signatures will have its data made available in read-only format. Meanwhile, several interesting projects using We The People data emerged from the same hackathon that launched the API. (FedscoopFedscoop)
  • Florida passed the first major changes to its state ethics laws in nearly three decades this week. The state also passed new campaign finance regulations. Both moves can be seen as responses to the Sunshine State's low grades on the State Integrity Investigation. (Public Integrity)
  • There are, hopefully, only a few more days of headlines from the wacky race to fill an empty South Carolina House seat. Yesterday held more good news for Elizabeth Colbert Busch, who is the beneficiary of more than $100,000 in late ad spending from the House Majority PAC. The PAC has now spent roughly $400,000 on the race. (Roll Call)
  • Meanwhile, the newly minted Republican candidate for the open Massachusetts Senate seat has reaffirmed his opposition to "the peoples pledge" which aims to curb the influence of third party spending. Despite signing the pledge, and asking nicely for him to stop, Democratic candidate Ed Markey was the unwanted beneficiary of major outside outlays by a billionaire environmentalist. (Washington Post)
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Calling for Common Sense (and Bulk Data) in California

 

Request denied.

That’s the response MapLight, California Common Cause, and 10 other media, transparency, and reform organizations (including Sunlight) received last Wednesday to a letter submitted to the office of California’s Secretary of State.

The letter made a simple request of Secretary Debra Bowen’s office: Add the option of downloading bulk data from California’s campaign finance and lobbying database (Cal-Access) by posting this information in one, single, downloadable file on this public website, and keep this information up-to-date. Not quite a hamfisted transparency reform, but one that’s proved to be quite revealing about online disclosure in the Golden State.

Currently there are only two ways to access the information contained on Cal-Access. The first is to slowly surf through the portal’s online interface, choosing limiting, specific sub-fields of information types (i.e Listing by Certified Election Candidates; Incumbents; etc), and relying on the system to generate specific reports that do not allow users to easily compare (or download) information.

The second way is via CD-ROM. Yes, to gain “open” access to structured, bulk data from the state of California about campaign finance and lobbying information, you need to submit a request and pay $5 and wait for the state to send you a CD-ROM.

There are a lot of problems evident in this scenario, not the least of which is the delay (up to a month!) caused by needing to translate information that already exists in an electronic format into a “physical” one (the CD-ROM). This delay not only costs the state in terms of staff time and resources, but also has a huge cost to the citizens of California. Californians have a right to unfettered access to public information -- like lobbying and campaign finance reports -- which provide vital knowledge and data about how the state government operates and who is trying to influence that power.

Five dollars -- or fifty -- is too high a cost to pay for this access.

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Will Congress Redo what it Undid on Political Intelligence Firm Disclosures?

The Washington Post reported today that the SEC is issuing subpoenas to investigate the possibility that a “political intelligence” firm used congressional sources to gather insider information about health care funding, launching a surge of trading in health companies after the nonpublic information was made available to Height Securities, a stock brokerage firm.

Subpoenas, lengthy investigations and anonymous sources are one way to get to the bottom of whether some lucky investors used insider information from Congress to profit from timely stock trades. But here’s another thought. What if Congress enacted disclosure laws to help enforce rules against insider trading? What if political intelligence professionals were somehow required to publicly disclose their clients and the issues they are working on, the same way registered lobbyists have to publicly disclose information about their work? Seems like such disclosures might help cut to the chase, streamlining investigations and maybe even providing a check on the system to prevent the possibility of insider trading on congressional information in the first place. Too bad no one ever thought of that.

Oh wait. Someone did.

The original incarnation of the STOCK Act mandated disclosures by political intelligence professionals, and, in both the House and the Senate, had enough votes to pass. But even a majority in favor of greater transparency was not enough to save the political intelligence disclosure provisions. Even before their most recent slash and burn attack on the STOCK Act, which gutted the bill’s disclosure provisions, Eric Cantor bowed to pressure from Wall Street and stripped the political intelligence language from the bill before allowing it to come to a vote. Rather than holding firm on its own stronger version of the bill, the Senate simply took up the weaker House version.

And now the SEC is questioning Mark Hayes, a lawyer who served for seven years under Senator Grassley as Health Policy Director and Chief Health Counsel for the Senate Finance Committee. We don’t know the full extent of the relationship between Hayes and Height Securities, or whether Height had multiple sources feeding it information from Congress—mandatory disclosures would probably help clear that up—but an email from Hayes to a Height Security analyst said that a “high-level deal had been made that would provide a benefit to health insurers.” Soon after, the surge in trading on health company stocks began.

It often takes a scandal to convince Congress to act. Perhaps the SEC’s investigation will result in enough outrage that a bill providing disclosure of political intelligence activities can be signed into law.

Anthony Weiner's Transparency in All the Wrong Places

Since resigning from Congress two years ago as a result of some seriously icky tweets, Anthony Weiner has cashed in on his congressional contacts to become another “stealth lobbyist,” earning enough from his corporate clients to move on up to a deluxe Park Avenue Apartment from more humble digs in Queens, all without registering and reporting who he is working for and what he is working on.

Shock and outrage (and some really amusing if not-ready-for-prime-time bits on the Daily Show) accompanied the former representative’s slimy use of social media. But there’s no shock or outrage accompanying his even slimier use of his former position for profit. Indeed, the New York Times seems to think Weiner’s secret lobbying on behalf of corporate clients somehow serves “as a compelling campaign credential” as he considers a run for mayor.

Rather than touting it as a career booster, Weiner’s stealth lobbying should be seen as still more evidence for the need to strengthen current lobbying disclosure laws. The only people in Washington who seem to support secret lobbying are the members of Congress who want to keep that lucrative career path open to themselves when they leave government service. For the rest, closing the 20 percent loophole that allows people like Tom Daschle, Newt Gingrich and now, Anthony Weiner to lobby without registering and reporting makes perfect sense from a transparency and accountability perspective. It is good policy for a junior lobbyist for a nonprofit organization, a mid-level associate for law firm and a named partner in a major lobbying outfit to register and report their lobbying activities. So why aren’t former members of Congress—some of the most powerful influence peddlers inside the Beltway—subject to the same disclosure requirements?

Only a few weeks after Weiner left Congress, he opened up his stealth lobbying shop. But the public became aware of his clients only after they signed waivers, at a time when the former Congressman decided to flaunt his assets (a recurring theme in his life?) declaring himself “a good capitalist.”

His prior “disclosures” on Twitter notwithstanding, Weiner’s most valuable asset may be his easy access to his former congressional colleagues. And although in some respects we have waaay too much information about the former congressman, we don’t know nearly enough about his work as a stealth lobbyist.

2Day in #OpenGov 5/2/2013

NEWS ROUNDUP:

  • USAID is releasing a number of new datasets as well as usaid.gov/developer which will host APIs and datasets. (Fedscoop)
  • Lobbyists and corporate interests, including AT&T and Amway, have spent more than $7.5 million supporting the Bush presidential library and other George W. Bush initiatives since the former president left office. (The Hill)
  • Ed Markey won the primary to occupy the Democratic line in the upcoming Massachusetts special election to replace John Kerry in the Senate. He had some unwanted outside help from billionaire environmental activist Tom Steyer, who spent big to attack his main competition's support of the Keystone XL pipeline. (Washington Post)
  • Despite overwhelming public support for a least a little new gun regulation, the NRA and it's money still hold enough power in Washington to effectively block action. (Public Integrity)
  • FWD.us, Mark Zuckerberg's foray into politics, has yet to disclose how much money it has raised or where it's funds have come from. FWD.us is registered as a 501(c)(4) and might never have to divulge it's donors, although many big names have publicly backed the group. (K Street Cafe)
  • San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee is keeping his foot on the technology and open government pedal. In addition to naming a new CIO, Lee signed open legislation that codifies the duties assigned to the city's future Chief Data Officer and updates San Francisco's existing open data law. (Government Technology)
  • Opinion: Rich Americans and corporate interests are able to exert outsized control on the political process. New legislation could help fix this problem by amplifying the power of small political donations. (POLITICO)
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Open procuring - how do other countries perform?

Parallel to our attempt to dig deeper into procurement transparency in the US, Sunlight started another big journey to map the global landscape of procurement norms and get a sense of how other governments disclose contracting information. We hope this will help us refine exactly what and how we shall advocate for within the US, but with our growing involvement in the international open government movement we also believe it`s high time to combine our efforts with other transparency advocates - such as the Open Contracting initiative - and push for globally applicable norms and standards around contract openness. (You can read more about developing data standards for open contracting from Tim Davies here.)

Needless to say, national (as well as subnational and local) procurement regimes are way too complex and fragmented to jump to early conclusions, but even at the beginning of our research it is crystal clear that government contracting is a hot issue everywhere - which seems pretty reasonable given the fact that procurement is a key policy instrument affecting a significant amount of national GDPs. But even more importantly, contract information is also seen as the possible linkage between other politically relevant datasets such as party finance data through shadow campaign financing, aid data, national budgets or absent information on companies.

From what we can tell so far, procuring is a huge mess. Thanks to the inherent complexity and the wide range of sectors, agencies and legislation affected, most national procuring systems are highly vulnerable to waste and fraud that occur in various forms such as bribery, favoritism, collusion or custom-tailored bidding. Even though waste may not necessarily be a result of malpractice, a significant amount of tax money goes into the global trash every day due to the lack of expertise, infrastructure or real competition caused by bureaucratic burdens, over-regulation or non-transparent legislations. Or a combination of these.

Just to make things even more complicated, each of the manifestations of corruption can occur in all stages of a procurement process from needs assessment through selection and awarding to the actual contract execution. And even if it seems reasonable enough to demand for greater openness in every stage (here’s a great study on how publication could improve the quality of government decision-making and both the quality and extent of  competition for contracts), there is an obvious tension between “fairness and transparency on one hand and flexibility on the other” which explains why specific authorities and sectors tend to favour more restrictive and less competitive procedures while still acting in good faith.

For us it seems that the international norms designed to guide national legislatures and procurement agencies through the labyrinth of government contracting processes are way too obsolete to meet the requirements of our technology empowered democracies. The main international agreement related to public procurement, the Government Procurement Agreement of the WTO entered into force in 1996 (!) and has not been revised ever since (though there’s strong political will to renegotiate the original agreement). Therefore it cannot respond to recent challenges. Even in the EU - where the legal framework for public procurements is also being reviewed currently - there are serious legislative loopholes and weaknesses and the degree of competition in public procurement “varies dramatically” between different member states.

We have no intention (or capacity) to address all the possible factors that make government procuring such a corruption-prone process. At this stage Sunlight is focusing solely on data disclosure practices. Our aim is to map how procurement information is published in other national legislatures, how timely, complete and machine-readable procurement data appears to be in different countries, who are the most progressive and transparent players in the field and what are the best civil society tools out there that help the public access, analyze and digest information about government contracts.

But even that is hard to tell. Information about procurement disclosure systems is scarce and fragmented and national laws change rapidly. Out of the 48 countries with delivered commitments to the Open Government Partnership, 24 national action plans - available in English - have a hint at procurement reforms. That does not mean all the commitments are potentially groundbreaking (more on the actual commitments in a future post) but the rate is especially striking when compared to proposed reforms on other key information such as party or campaign finance data.

So how do other countries perform? According to the most recent OECD report though many member states have come a long way in disclosing information about procurements, progress is slow and there are still only a handful of countries that monitor the actual performance of procurement systems and processes based on data and benchmarks while the level of transparency is still limited in the contract management phase. Another assessment of the EBRD region shows that some countries, such as Albania, Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Turkey have advanced in the development of e-Procurement solutions for public contracts and are achieving very impressive results, however the OECD study warns us that only a few countries publish information about events that occur post-award and thus allow the tracking of procurement spending.

In order to make information about data disclosure policies and practices accessible we created a master spreadsheet. The sheet is public (though not editable) and available here:

https://docs.google.com/a/sunlightfoundation.com/spreadsheet/ccc?key=0AhECmY-CLA1hdHQ4STNKcEpoSS1RaHZ4YWFnNUxGZ2c#gid=0

And now we need your collaboration. Is information about your country’s procurement disclosure practices in the OECD report correct? (We have already found some discrepancies in the report.) If info is missing or incorrect, what is the actual publication practice? (For guiding questions, see the sheet.) Is there a case study - most preferably in English - that gives a good overview on how contracts are published in your state? Are there any open source civil society tools that use procurement data? Does your country have any suspension/debarment procedures? Is there anything else we should ask? Please contact us to verify information about your country at jkeseru@sunlightfoundation.com or klee@sunlightfoundation.com.

This is a first post in a series exploring international procuring trends. In the next few months, we’re planning to write more about citizen oversight mechanisms, the role of crowdsourcing in contract monitoring, open source tools that increase access to procurement information and also plan to give a more in-depth analysis on the OGP commitments.

Evaluating Municipal Lobbying Data: Chicago

Chicago-skyline

“Consistent” is not the first word one would use to describe the landscape of lobbying data released by municipalities. As revealed by our research, the formats and range of information local governments collect and disclose about lobbying activity varies quite a bit from one community context to another. After exploring the best practices for collecting and releasing this information, we created and recently published a Municipal Lobbying Data Guidebook. This guide addresses not only what kinds of information should be included in an ideal lobbying dataset, but also information about how that data should be collected and shared, regulated, and examples of the impact of having this information made available in an open way. (Something we’ll continue to explore in future posts.)

So how do municipalities measure up to these standards? We took a close look at three cities -- Austin, Chicago, and Philadelphia -- to explore what they’re doing well and where their lobbying disclosure can improve.

Last week we covered Austin. Now we turn to Chicago.

I. What data is available

Chicago has two hubs for its information related to lobbying: One is on the Board of Ethics website, and the other is in its data portal, though you can also find these records in the reports section of the Electronic Lobbyist Filing System, which links to a search function and back to the data portal. As we noted when we surveyed the landscape of municipal lobbying data, Chicago appears to release some of the most detailed lobbyist data among U.S. cities. The city's data portal contains information about registered lobbyists, activity, compensation, gifts, expenditures, and termination. Many cities don't collect this much detailed information, let alone post it online.

This data includes many of the form fields mentioned in our Guidebook and some further levels of detail. Registration and termination forms for 2013 include lobbyist names, addresses, and contact information; the filing date and termination date, if relevant; and client information including their address, contact information and industry.

Activity reports include the name of the agency contacted by the lobbyist along with the client being represented and the topic of the action requested. The reports also show how many administrative or legislative actions were requested.

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